Divergent styles, unified vision for Iran's foreign policy
The shifting dynamics of Iran's foreign policy under President Masoud Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi are examined in a recent analysis by The Atlantic.
Iran’s newly appointed president and foreign minister present strikingly different personalities. President Masoud Pezeshkian is informal, often improvising and making jokes, while Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, a seasoned diplomat with a Ph.D. from Britain, speaks with meticulous care. Despite their contrasting styles, both are aligned on Iran’s foreign policy goals.
Their message is clear: they aim to mend ties with the United States and Europe to lift economic sanctions but will not jeopardize relationships with Russia and China, who have been steadfast allies. Additionally, they remain committed to supporting the Axis of Resistance, a coalition of anti-Israel militias. In his inaugural press conference, Pezeshkian stated, “Those guys sanctioned us,” referring to the West, and “These guys helped us,” alluding to Russia and China. He also advocated for a peaceful approach towards the West, even suggesting the possibility of a brotherly relationship with the US.
Meanwhile, Araghchi emphasized a new perspective on European relations but maintained that Iran's main focus lies elsewhere. This vision, however, is fraught with contradictions. Both Pezeshkian and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei have made it clear that Iran's primary goal is addressing its severe economic challenges. Achieving this requires increased foreign investment and removing Iran from the Financial Action Task Force's blacklist, which hinges on negotiations with Western powers regarding Iran's nuclear program, support for militant groups, and military cooperation with Russia in Ukraine.
Essentially, for Iran to prioritize its domestic issues, it must also prioritize relations with the West. Pezeshkian's rise to the presidency may have raised concerns in Moscow, as many diplomats in his circle are skeptical of Iran's close ties to Russia and China. Javad Zarif, the former foreign minister now serving as vice president for strategic affairs, has openly criticized excessive alignment with Russia, arguing it restricts Iran’s options.
Zarif’s notable achievement was the 2015 nuclear deal with the US and other world powers, from which President Trump later withdrew, and he was closely associated with Araghchi during those negotiations. In summary, Iran’s pro-West faction is regaining influence, although ultimate decision-making power remains with Supreme Leader Khamenei. His approval for President Pezeshkian's candidacy indicates a recognition of the need to engage with the West. The implications for Moscow are less clear. While the new government has publicly expressed friendship toward Russia, these statements may serve to both reassure a nervous Vladimir Putin and to adopt a tough stance toward the West. Pezeshkian has also sought to strengthen ties with Russia by appointing Mehdi Sanayi, a former ambassador fluent in Russian, as a vice chief of staff.
However, within Iran's power structure, critics of close ties with Russia appear to be emboldened. Some argue that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has pursued a "Look East" policy, benefiting from military agreements with China and Russia. Afshar Soleimani, a former ambassador, criticized this relationship, stating that Russia uses Iran as a pawn and that supporting it does not align with Iran's national interests. Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, a prominent skeptic of relations with Russia, has highlighted that these countries should not be viewed as friends during tough times.
He suggested that those advocating closer ties may have personal motives for maintaining sanctions on Iran to benefit from underground oil trading. Historically, Russia has not been a natural ally for Iran; instead, it has often been seen as a threat to Iranian sovereignty, especially given its colonial ambitions in the past. Recent actions by Russia have further heightened Iranian concerns over their national security.
By Naila Huseynova