Understanding secluded Syria’s Druze community Ethnic group forms shaky bridge between Syria, Israel

Israel has intensified its military campaign in Syria following the collapse of the Assad regime in December. The latest escalation, marked by Israeli airstrikes on Damascus, was justified by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as an effort to protect the Druze community—an Arab minority that has historically maintained close ties with Israel. Netanyahu has previously referred to the Druze as “brothers,” emphasising their deep integration into Israeli society, where many serve in the military and hold public office.

The immediate cause of the current escalation stems from violent clashes between the Druze and local Bedouin tribes in southern Syria’s Suwayda province. Syrian government forces stepped in this week in an attempt to restore order. However, their actions were widely perceived by Druze militias as favouring the Bedouins, leading to a further deterioration in relations and deadly confrontations. The UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) reports that at least 594 people have died in the recent violence.

The Druze, a religious group that originated around 1,000 years ago as an offshoot of Ismaili Shiite Islam, remain a small but strategically important community in the Levant region. According to an article by AP, the faith is highly secretive, prohibits conversion, and discourages intermarriage. Of the estimated 1 million Druze globally, more than half live in Syria. Others are concentrated in Lebanon and Israel, with over 20,000 residing in the Golan Heights—a region Israel captured from Syria in 1967 and has since settled with thousands of Jewish citizens where they live side-by-side with the Druze.

In Israel, Druze citizens—unlike their Syrian counterparts—tend to identify with the state and often hold prominent roles in the military and government. In their recent article on the community, CNN details that Druze in the Golan Heights meanwhile largely maintain a Syrian identity. The division within the community adds complexity to any external intervention in their affairs.

During Syria’s protracted civil war, the Druze in Suwayda managed to maintain relative autonomy. They organised local militias to defend against threats like ISIS and drug traffickers from the eastern desert. Under Assad, they were exempt from conscription in exchange for their neutrality, forming community-led defence forces comprised mainly of farmers and labourers. This pragmatic self-governance strategy has continued since Assad’s fall, as the Druze remain hesitant to disarm.

The result has been a growing cycle of mistrust. Pro-government factions accuse the Druze of harbouring separatist ambitions or acting as Israeli proxies. In turn, such mistrust reinforces the Druze community’s fears of marginalisation and external threats.

In response to escalating violence, the United States reportedly helped broker a ceasefire this week. Syria’s interim leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, announced a troop withdrawal from Suwayda and pledged to safeguard the Druze population, stating he would prioritise national unity over further conflict. Footage from the region appears to confirm the withdrawal, and the ceasefire is currently holding.

The fragile truce underscores the broader challenges facing al-Sharaa as he attempts to reestablish central authority across a fractured Syria still recovering from more than a decade of war. He also faces the delicate task of navigating Syria’s fraught relationship with Israel, especially with the Druze caught between competing national loyalties.

By Nazrin Sadigova