Battles that Ukraine has already won Former Ukrainian PM's opinion for Project Syndicate

From the struggle to be seen as part of Europe to the fight for internal unity, Ukraine has been facing a multitude of problems throughout the last decade, with the Russian aggression raging since 2022 only one of them. The former Prime Minister of Ukraine and current parliament member Yulia Tymoshenko has published an article for the Project Syndicate publication, elaborating on the victories that Ukraine has already secured which makes Ukraine’s ultimate triumph over Moscow far more likely in light voices growing louder in the West, warning of a stalemate. Caliber.Az reprints this article.

"Nearly two years after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the war’s end seems nowhere in sight. Nonetheless, Ukraine has already won numerous important battles, many of which we began fighting long before Russia’s latest assault on our country. These victories will, I am certain, help to ensure our final victory in this vile and violent war.

Ever since we regained our independence in 1991, Ukrainians have struggled to be seen as part of Europe. Today, however, no one thinks of Ukraine as some no man’s land linking Russia and the West. And only the most delusional of Russians still imagine that Ukrainians will ever again see their country as part of some 'Russkiy mir' [Russian world] – a fever dream of Vladimir Putin that apparently contributed to his decision to launch a war of aggression against us.

Instead, it is now clear to the entire world that Ukraine is in the West and of the West – as European as France, Italy, Germany, or anyone else. Our core values are Western values: liberty, democracy, and the rule of law. And our membership in the premier European and Western institutions – the European Union and NATO – await only our inevitable triumph over the Russian invaders.

The second long-running battle in which Ukraine can now declare victory is internal. Since regaining our independence three decades ago, the Ukrainian people have twice needed to rise up to overthrow dictatorial regimes that gained power by applying the old divide-and-rule principle. The divisions they exploited, cynically and ruthlessly, were those between our country’s west and east, between its Ukrainian- and Russian-speaking communities.

Russia undoubtedly hoped to take advantage of precisely these divisions, in both invading and occupying our country. A defeated, disunited people would be easier to govern. But virtually all Ukrainians now understand the dangers to our very existence that superficial antagonisms pose. At a time when much of Ukraine’s east is living under the Kremlin’s boot, it is clearer than ever that only a fully united and sovereign Ukraine can provide and safeguard our people’s freedom.

This newfound unity can be seen every day, as Ukrainian men and women from all walks of life, from every part of the country and practically every age group, risk life and limb to defend our homeland. Our fighting forces – on the front lines and behind the lines – are truly the Ukrainian nation at arms.

Whereas Russia has been sending prison inmates to the frontlines, Ukrainians who have joined the fight include some of the best and brightest. Vasyl Kladko, an x-ray crystallographer at the V.E. Lashkaryov Institute of Semiconductor Physics, was gunned down by Russian troops in Irpin during the Battle for Kyiv early in the war. Oleksandr Shapoval, a leading dancer in our national ballet company, died on the battlefield in Donetsk in September. Victoria Amelina, an acclaimed novelist who had dedicated herself to documenting Russian war crimes, was killed by a Russian missile this past July. These are just a few examples of the Ukrainians who have died defending our country’s right to exist.

Ukrainians’ sense of shared purpose has unleashed not only our courage and fighting spirit, but also our talent and innovative capabilities. When the war began, Russia’s military expenditure was nearly ten times higher than ours. Ukraine’s only hope of leveling the battlefield was to leverage our citizens’ creativity. Our achievements on this front have astonished the Russians and our friends in NATO alike.

Ukrainian innovations, developed largely through public-private partnerships, have not only changed the nature of the war; they have been remarkably cost-effective. For example, commercial drones have enabled Ukraine to engage in effective and relatively inexpensive reconnaissance along a 600-mile [965 kilometers] front line – something Russia’s forces never expected. According to former Google CEO Eric Schmidt, Ukraine’s 'drone swarms' will 'change combat dramatically.'

In order to ensure that Ukraine can continue to make the most of this innovation, the Ukrainian General Staff, the State Special Communications Service, the Ministry of Digital Transformation, and the Defense Ministry have launched the Army of Drones project, which enables people around the world to contribute to the cause. With thousands of drones destroyed every month, these donations are enabling our military to replenish supplies quickly.

Our innovative use of commercial technologies has also cost Russia in the Black Sea. After Ukraine destroyed Russian ships using traditional anti-ship missiles, Russia’s navy began to operate farther from shore. But Ukraine has taken the fight to Russia, by converting ordinary jet skis into a fleet of explosive-packed, ship-killing maritime drones.

Now, we are adding an even more dangerous weapon to our arsenal: the Toloka TLK-150, a practically undetectable one-way unmanned underwater vehicle, created by a Ukrainian technology-development cluster. In World War II, the United States liked to think of itself as the 'arsenal of democracy.' Today, it is Ukraine, using the tremendous ingenuity and resourcefulness of its citizens, that is leading the way in fortifying the arsenal that is defending democracy.

Ukraine’s military is also innovating strategically. Russia’s generals seem determined to wage war exactly as their grandfathers did in WWII, with centralized, top-down decision-making that regards ordinary soldiers [and not just the convicted murderers and rapists sent to Ukraine as cannon fodder] practically with contempt. By contrast, Ukraine’s commanders and citizen-soldiers have significant leeway to respond to events on the battlefield and shape command decisions. Ukrainian computer programmers apply their skills – and the latest artificial-intelligence assets – to support Ukrainian fighters’ ability to analyze circumstances and respond to events in real time.

A third crucial battle that Ukraine has already won is the battle against the Russian fifth column. At the time of Russia’s 2014 invasion of Ukraine, our security services and military leadership were severely compromised by men and women who had sold their loyalty to Russia. But, cooperating with our NATO allies, we have spent the last several years purging disloyal officials from positions of influence. This has improved the relationship between our military and political leaders, and it has assured our Western allies that Ukraine can be trusted with even the most sensitive intelligence.

This battle for trust was, in a sense, the most consequential for Ukraine. Our people trust our military and political leaders – not blindly, but with an abiding faith that, unlike the men who occupy the Kremlin, they are accountable to the people they serve. Such trust is essential to the preservation of liberty: it is because of the belief that our leaders will deliver a final and definitive victory that Ukrainians have willingly made the kinds of sacrifices – of home, family, and physical safety – that have become the norm in our proud country".