Orbán vs Magyar: Clash of geography, generations Article by Associated Press
US-based news agency Associated Press has examined Hungary’s political landscape ahead of the upcoming elections, focusing on public support for Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Caliber.Az offers its readers the piece.
István Vároczi, a 63-year-old entrepreneur from the small Hungarian city of Cegléd, said he does not believe polling that suggests Prime Minister Viktor Orbán could lose a pivotal election on Sunday.
After 16 years in power and four consecutive election victories, Orbán now faces an unprecedented challenge from a centre-right opponent, Péter Magyar of the Tisza Party, who has sought to erode Orbán’s rural support base through sustained campaigning in the countryside.
While most surveys indicate that a significant share of Hungarians have drifted away from Orbán’s Fidesz party and intend to vote for change, the long-serving prime minister remains deeply popular in parts of society—particularly among older voters and residents of the smallest settlements.
“I’ve been watching him for nearly 40 years, I have always voted for him and I will again, I’ve never been disappointed in him,” said Vároczi, who sells handbags and other goods from a stall in central Cegléd. “His biggest strength is that he didn’t forget where he came from. He always remained a normal person. I’m sure he has flaws, but who doesn’t?”
He added that Orbán’s populist-nationalist Fidesz party is “the only party I trust,” and described the long-serving leader’s performance as “unparalleled.”
Orbán and his challenger Magyar have both staged competing rallies in a show of strength ahead of Hungary’s April election.
Magyar and his Tisza Party have gained traction among voters following four years of economic stagnation, partly linked to the freezing of billions of euros in European Union funding over rule-of-law and corruption concerns under Orbán’s government.

However, a survey released Wednesday by pollster Medián showed that 47% of Hungarians over the age of 65 support Fidesz, compared with 29% for Tisza. The data also indicates that support for Orbán increases in smaller communities.
In Albertirsa, a town of around 14,000 in central Hungary, retired pipe fitter János Falajtár became emotional while describing what he believes Orbán has done for the country. Struggling to speak through tears, he said Orbán had “acted for the people.”
“The decisions don’t matter. Common sense and heart matter,” he said.
Orbán’s government has introduced a series of pre-election benefits and programmes aimed at its base, including a popular utility bill reduction scheme supported by Hungary’s continued purchases of Russian oil and gas. Pensioners also receive a “13th month” pension bonus at year’s end, with a 14th month payment currently being introduced.
The government has also launched initiatives to renovate small-town pubs and churches, and has abolished income tax for young mothers with multiple children.
Beyond policy measures, Orbán’s political appeal is often attributed to his charisma, emphasis on Hungarian traditions, and promotion of national pride.
Falajtár said he believes Orbán has helped unify the nation, including ethnic Hungarian communities in neighbouring countries following the post-World War I territorial changes.
“We are now beginning to unite the Greater Hungary in Vojvodina, Slovakia, Transcarpathia, Transylvania, and even in Austria,” Falajtár said. “They only took a small piece from us, but it’s still ours.”
Orbán has campaigned heavily on what he describes as external threats to Hungary’s future, particularly the war in neighbouring Ukraine, which he says could push Hungary into conflict and economic hardship.
Despite sluggish economic growth, many of Orbán’s supporters argue that external factors—not government policy—are responsible for current challenges.
“The government is doing what it can for us, for the people,” said Vároczi, the bag seller.







