twitter
youtube
instagram
facebook
telegram
apple store
play market
night_theme
ru
arm
search
WHAT ARE YOU LOOKING FOR ?






Any use of materials is allowed only if there is a hyperlink to Caliber.az
Caliber.az © 2024. .

Azerbaijan Airlines plane crashes in Aktau, Kazakhstan

REGION
A+
A-

Türkiye’s defence industry on rise The Gulf Cooperation Council is one of its top buyers

06 August 2023 06:03

The Atlancitc Council has published an article arguing that defence cooperation between Türkiye and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries is vital in strengthening regional security and promoting economic development. Caliber.Az reprints the article.

On July 18, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye signed agreements encompassing investment, the defense industry, energy, and communications. Two memorandums of understanding in defense, in particular, grabbed the attention of observers and experts, including one with Türkiye’s Baykar defense industry corporation, which will sell Riyadh an undisclosed number of state-of-the-art AKINCI Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs).

AKINCI is Türkiye’s cutting-edge UCAVs capable of executing air-to-ground and air-to-air attack missions. AKINCI entered the inventory in 2021 and only six have been introduced into service since, with a handful of countries close to Ankara successfully acquiring it, including Pakistan. Turkish officials believe that, with AKINCI, Türkiye has become one of the top three countries in the world with this technology.

According to Baykar CEO Haluk Bayraktar, the deal signed by Saudi Arabia to acquire Ankara’s modern assault UCAVs is “the biggest defense and aviation export contract in the history of the Republic of Türkiye.” Commenting on the size of the deal, the executive of the Defense Industry Agency of Türkiye, Haluk Gorgun, highlighted that the Saudi deal to acquire Türkiye’s UCAVs is more than $3 billion.

The package is said to include not only UCAVs but also training, technical support, and logistic services. Moreover, the deal will comprise joint production and technology transfer, which Baykar noted “will not only strengthen the bond between the two countries but also contribute to regional and global peace.”

Saudi Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman al-Saud affirmed that the deal comes in accordance with the executive defense plan with his Turkish counterpart and aims to “enhance the readiness of the kingdom’s armed forces and bolstering its defense and manufacturing capabilities.”

During a video message to the sixteenth International Defense Industry Fair (IDEF) held in Istanbul on July 25, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan confirmed that his country signed the biggest defense export contract in its history with Riyadh, adding that new ones would be added to the agreements.

Türkiye’s rising indigenous defense industry

Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002, Türkiye’s indigenous defense industry witnessed a revolution, which enabled the country to move from being the world’s third-biggest receiver of weapons to the twelfth-biggest arms exporter, according to Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) figures. In less than two decades, Ankara significantly decreased its dependence on foreign military imports from around 80 per cent in 2004 to about 20 per cent in 2022. Its imports from the US dropped sharply by 81 per cent between 2016 and 2020, primarily due to not receiving F-35s and not acquiring Patriot missiles.

During this time, the indigenous defense industry sector kept growing despite obstacleschallenges, and embargoes, thus enabling Ankara to be categorized as an “emerging producer” that aims to amplify production capabilities in aerial, naval, land, electronics, and ammunition domains.

In its March report, SIPRI noted that Türkiye’s arms exports increased by 69 per cent from 2018 to 2022 compared to 2013-2017, with a significant increase in its share of the global arms trade. According to SIPRI, Türkiye’s share of the global arms market doubled during the same period to reach 1.1 per cent of global arms exports.

The June report for Türkiye’s Defense and Aerospace Industry Manufacturers Association (SASAD) indicated an increase of over 20 per cent in the revenue of the defense and aerospace industry sector in 2022 compared to the previous year, reaching $12.2 billion. Spearheaded by the mushrooming sales of its UCAVs—especially the Baykar TB2 drones—Türkiye’s defense industry exports hit a record of more than $4.4 billion in 2022, increasing by more than 36 per cent compared to 2021.

Türkiye’s exports of land and naval platforms are gaining popularity, too. Last year, the land and naval military platform’s exports outperformed their aerial ones. Türkiye’s military export target for 2023 is $6 billion, and Turkish officials seem optimistic about not only reaching that number but also exceeding it by the end of this year.

Gulf interest in Türkiye’s defense industry

In the last few years, Türkiye’s burgeoning defense industry has captured the attention of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. Following the 2021 al-Ula agreement, which ended the 2017 GCC crisis and blockade against Qatar, relations between Ankara, Abu Dhabi, and Riyadh improved significantly. Erdogan’s July tour inaugurated a new level of post-normalization period and strengthened ties between Türkiye and the Arab Gulf states, especially on economic and security levels.

The GCC countries—particularly Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)—are among the top military equipment importers in the world. Western military equipment, especially American and European hardware, dominates the Gulf defense market. During the last few years, more Russian and Chinese weapons have found their way to this market, albeit in a very small per centage. The six GCC countries’ military expenditure exceeds $100 billion. Given Türkiye’s rising military profile and growing indigenous defense sector, Ankara eyes a bigger share of the GCC’s defense procurements in the future. 

All GCC states, with the exception of Oman, have defense industry cooperation agreements with Ankara. The interest in establishing cooperation with Türkiye on this level is rising. Several reasons might justify this preference from the Gulf perspective. Chief among them are the Gulf monarchies’ desire to diversify their security and defense ties following an era of heavy dependence on the West, as well as their aspiration to build an indigenous defense industry.

In this sense, Emirati, Saudi, and Qatari efforts accelerated following the establishment of EDGE, SAMI, and BARZAN defense entities, respectively, which aim to develop an indigenous defense industry in these countries. Given Türkiye’s successful experience in building one, Türkiye’s rise as a defense manufacturer aligns perfectly with the GCC’s strategic objectives. Moreover, Turkish defense products are not only highly efficient but also competitively priced, making them an attractive option for GCC countries looking to optimize their defense spending.

Before Saudi Arabia became the biggest procurer of Turkish military equipment—more precisely, UCAVs—several other GCC countries played an increasing role in Türkiye’s defense industry by buying more Turkish military equipment or opting for partnerships in projects or production. Between 2018 and 2022, Qatar, Oman, and the UAE were the top three clients of Ankara’s defense industry products, accounting for 20 per cent, 17 per cent, and 13 per cent of Türkiye’s total arms exports, respectively, during this period.

In 2022, the UAE reportedly offered the biggest contract to buy 120 Turkish Bayraktar TB2 at around $2 billion. The procurement contract included a request to purchase 120 TB2 drones, as well as ammunition, command and control units, and training services. Despite the strained relationship between the two states in the past, the UAE has consistently been one of Türkiye’s major purchasers of military equipment.

Qatar, Türkiye’s primary ally in the Gulf since 2014, was the first Gulf nation to acquire TB2 UCAVs. In 2018, Doha signed a contract with Türkiye that requested the delivery of six TB2s, three ground control station systems, and a training simulator within a year. At the beginning of 2023, another GCC country, Kuwait, signed a $370 million procurement agreement with Türkiye’s Baykar to acquire TB2s.

The Gulf’s interest in Türkiye’s military equipment is not limited to Turkish UCAVs. In 2015, Oman signed a mega contract to acquire 172 armored vehicles, including one hundred Pars III 8×8 armored vehicles and seventy-two Pars III 6×6 armored vehicles that were delivered in 2017 and 2018. The contract, the biggest of its kind at the time, elevated Oman to the top of the list of Türkiye’s defense equipment customers for a couple of years, strengthened Türkiye-Oman defense ties, and boosted Türkiye’s defense industry and export strategy.

For its part, Qatar has opted for a major partnership in defense industry products with Türkiye. In 2014, Qatar acquired a 49 per cent stake in BMC, a Turkish firm known for manufacturing armored vehicles. This collaboration reached new heights in 2018 when a massive contract was inked between BMC and the Defense Industry Agency of Türkiye (SSB) to initiate the serial production of Altay, Türkiye’s new-generation main battle tank. The deal marked the commitment to manufacture an initial 250 tanks, with plans for an advanced version in the pipeline.

In 2019, BMC was granted the right to operate one of the Turkish military’s premier tank and pallet factories for the next quarter of a century. April was a milestone for the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), as they received the first two domestically built Altay tanks, celebrated with a grand ceremony led by President Erdogan. Different types of similar partnerships in mega projects are being discussed with other regional actors in the Gulf and beyond, such as Azerbaijan’s participation in Türkiye’s fifth-generation fighter jet, KAAN, which is scheduled to make its first flight at the end of this year.

On July 29, the head of SSB uncovered that one of the Arab Gulf countries is in talks with Ankara to acquire a Light Aircraft/UCAVs Carrier (LAC), similar to Türkiye’s new flagship TCG Anadolu (L-400), and that talks have currently reached the final stage (the minimum cost of this warship is estimated to be $1 billion in 2015). The undisclosed Arab Gulf country is likely the UAE or Saudi Arabia.

Strategic and economic growth potential

The rising defense industry cooperation between Türkiye and the GCC states shows immense strategic and economic growth potential. A focus on “mega agreements” will serve both Türkiye’s and the GCC’s interests, fostering long-term plans over immediate tactical considerations. The benefits for the GCC states are substantial, particularly in technology transfer, enhancing their immediate defense capabilities, and nurturing their nascent indigenous defense industries.

To ensure sustainability, this cooperation must remain resilient amidst political fluctuations. As Türkiye is introducing its largest warship (the world’s first drone carrier), TCG Anadolu (L-400), its first national main battle tank, (MBT) ALTYA, and its fifth generation fighter jet, KAAN, new avenues for defense collaboration will open between Türkiye and the Arab Gulf countries. Furthermore, Türkiye’s growing prowess in naval and robotic warfare systems offers efficient, cost-effective solutions to the GCC’s challenges, given its multifaceted vulnerabilities and limited human resources.

Defense cooperation between Türkiye and the GCC countries is vital in strengthening regional security and promoting economic development. The growing emphasis on indigenous defense industries, the deployment of advanced UCAVs, and the pursuit of joint defense projects underscore the commitment of these nations to self-reliance and strategic collaboration. As geopolitical transformations continue to shape the region, a coordinated and forward-thinking approach to defense cooperation will enhance Türkiye’s security role in the Gulf, benefit the GCC countries, and pave the way for a more stable and secure region.

Ali Bakir is a nonresident senior fellow with the Scowcroft Middle East Security Initiative at the Atlantic Council’s Middle East programs.

Caliber.Az
Views: 176

share-lineLiked the story? Share it on social media!
print
copy link
Ссылка скопирована
youtube
Follow us on Youtube
Follow us on Youtube
REGION
The most important news of Armenia, Georgia, Turkey and Iran