Venediktov-style theatre, Yerevan edition The former editor’s tour and tall tales

Areg Kochinyan, who took part in the November 21–22 visit of Armenian civil society representatives to Baku, made a harsh statement against those in Armenia who oppose the normalisation of relations with Azerbaijan and Türkiye.

“Anyone in Armenia’s political arena who stands against Armenian–Azerbaijani and Armenian–Turkish settlement is either a foreign agent, a scoundrel, or an apolitical idiot who has no idea what he is talking about,” he said.

A curious coincidence: during those very same days, former Echo of Moscow editor-in-chief Alexei Venediktov was in Armenia — a figure who, at least in theory, fits all three of Kochinyan’s descriptions. This impression was reinforced by the sheer volume of statements he delivered in Yerevan — an almost indecent number. Nearly every remark seemed designed to project the image of a man armed with “insider knowledge,” privy to great secrets, and allegedly connected to the highest levels of Russia’s leadership. Among other things, he proudly recounted how often he had spoken with Russian President Vladimir Putin, emphasising that Putin addressed him sometimes as “ty” (the informal “you” used with close acquaintances) and sometimes as “vy” (the formal version meant to signal distance or respect).

All these efforts by Venediktov made him strikingly similar to the main character of Gogol’s comedy The Government Inspector, Khlestakov — a man who so fervently fed tall tales to the gullible mayor’s wife, her daughter, and the town’s officials. As one may recall, this character confidently claimed to be on close terms with Pushkin and even called him “brother.”

Venediktov, of course, did not say that he calls the head of Russia “brother” or that he advises him on how to run the state. Yet the overall tone of the stories told by the perpetually dishevelled guest of the Armenian capital was clearly meant to create the impression that Alexei Venediktov has profound insight into the true motives behind every decision made in the Kremlin.

Starting with the claim that the Russia–Ukraine war should have begun back in 2020 but was delayed by COVID-19, he went on to say: “During the Karabakh war, people in the Kremlin told me: what can we do? We have no resources to intervene; everything is shifting towards Ukraine.” Understandably, he did not condemn his country’s invasion of Ukraine, and the purpose of all his statements in Yerevan was quite different — to persuade Armenian society that “the Karabakh question is not closed.” In other words, Venediktov was desperately hinting that much will change in Russia’s policy toward the former Soviet republics, including Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Armenia.

Venediktov also mentioned Ruben Vardanyan and other leaders of the Karabakh junta, again implying that their fate might change after the end of the Russia–Ukraine war. Nor did he spare the Armenian population that had been illegally residing on the temporarily occupied territories of Azerbaijan, offering comments that appeared to criticise the country.

Venediktov, after all, is a known schemer, likely keeping plans to visit Azerbaijan in mind. While sweet-talking Armenian revanchists, he made sure to tread carefully, so as not to become persona non grata in Baku. That said, it’s safe to assume few would actually welcome him in Azerbaijan, given the vivid memories of his tenure as editor-in-chief of Echo of Moscow, where he gave a platform to voices openly hostile to Azerbaijan.

For instance, in April 2018, Yulia Latynina, broadcasting on that station, glorified the then-Prime Minister of Armenia — now politically sidelined — Serzh Sargsyan, calling him “the hero of Karabakh, who personally captured Shusha.” This was part of Echo of Moscow’s shameless promotion of someone who, in an interview with British journalist Thomas de Waal, justified the massacre of civilians in the Azerbaijani town of Khojaly as a necessary measure to “break stereotypes.”

We also have not forgotten how, in 2011, Venediktov’s deputy, Sergey Buntman, travelled to then-occupied Karabakh to personally interview the leader of the Karabakh separatists, Bako Sahakyan, in Khankendi — a man who, like another former head of the Karabakh junta, Arkadi Ghukasyan, now sits on the defendant’s bench in the Baku Military Court.

This episode clearly demonstrates that, despite any intrigues by adversaries, the Azerbaijani state has consistently pursued — and will continue to pursue — its own course.

Having restored its territorial integrity and sovereignty through the 44-day war in 2020 and the one-day anti-terrorist operation in September 2023, Azerbaijan has launched a peaceful agenda and established a new reality in the region. At the same time, the country remains mindful that some actors would go to great lengths to plunge the South Caucasus into a renewed cycle of conflict. For this reason, Azerbaijan continues to strengthen its armed forces — not for expansion, but to ensure that no one even contemplates attacking it.

As the recent military parade in Baku, marking the fifth anniversary of the Victory in the 2020 Autumn Patriotic War, demonstrated, the Republic of Azerbaijan is securely defended by air, sea, and land. This is precisely the strategy of sobering up hostile forces, devised and implemented by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev.

Those individuals who perfectly fit Areg Kochinyan’s definition would do well to take note of this and imprint on the edge of their consciousness that no one can undermine Baku’s efforts to establish lasting peace in the region, or its continued development and prosperity. This is especially true for misguided “pilots” like Venediktov, whose so-called “friendship” with Kremlin insiders could not save Echo of Moscow from closure, and who was officially registered as a foreign agent by the Russian Ministry of Justice on April 22, 2022. His current status can therefore be aptly described as that of a “touring performer,” kicked out and desperately puffing himself up.