New Year in the heart of a bleeding nation  A report from Kyiv

While the rest of the world is immersed in a pre-New Year bustle, this festive preparation for welcoming the new year, 2026, can also be seen in Ukraine’s capital. Contrary to the apocalyptic picture painted by Russian media, life in Kyiv has not come to a halt.

Undoubtedly, nearly four years of a brutal, bloody full-scale war with Russia have left a deep mark on Kyiv’s appearance and on the daily lives of its residents. Yet this is precisely what makes Ukraine, in general, and its capital in particular, unique: even under such harsh conditions, life here continues to pulse.

Obviously, the thoughts of Kyiv’s residents are overwhelmingly tied to forecasts about the end of the war. Expectations in this regard are emotionally very high. We say this not on the basis of opinion polls, but drawing on personal experience from daily communication with a large number of people of different professions, ages, and social backgrounds. Yes, there is an understanding that the war may only be temporarily frozen, and that Russia will continue to pose a threat to Ukraine. But there is also a belief that the endless horror will eventually be replaced—alas, at the cost of losing part of the country’s territory—by an end to it.

Another indication that Kyiv is already living to the rhythm of a future halt to the war is the abundance of billboards across the city featuring New Year greetings from representatives of various political forces. In essence, this is covert political advertising. Traditionally active here is the Petro Poroshenko Foundation, while among the newer faces, billboards featuring Andrii Biletsky—the founder and commander of the Azov Regiment and later of the 3rd Separate Assault Brigade, which was subsequently expanded into the Third Army Corps of the Armed Forces of Ukraine—are now seen almost everywhere.

It is increasingly evident that Biletsky is being deliberately “shaped” into a political figure—not to challenge incumbent President Volodymyr Zelenskyy directly, but rather to counter Zelenskyy’s main rivals, foremost among them former Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and current ambassador to the United Kingdom, Valerii Zaluzhnyi.

Against this backdrop, it is hardly surprising that sociological activity intensified toward the end of the year. According to a nationwide survey conducted between December 12 and 18, if a presidential election were held in the near future, Valerii Zaluzhnyi and Volodymyr Zelenskyy would advance to a second round. In the first round, Zaluzhnyi would receive 22 per cent of the vote, narrowly ahead of Zelenskyy’s 21 per cent. Meanwhile, the share of undecided voters rose to 24.1 per cent, up from 21.1 per cent in October.

In a simulated runoff, Zaluzhnyi holds a clear advantage: 64 per cent of respondents said they would vote for him, compared with 36 per cent for Zelenskyy.

Sociologists also tested a scenario in which Zaluzhnyi does not participate. In that case, the second round against Zelenskyy would most likely feature the head of Ukraine’s Main Directorate of Intelligence, Kyrylo Budanov. According to the poll, Budanov would defeat Zelenskyy with 56 per cent of the vote, while the incumbent president would secure 44 per cent.

Such scenarios, unsurprisingly, are deeply troubling not only for Zelenskyy himself but also for the political establishment he has brought to power.

However, we will leave a detailed analysis of Ukraine’s domestic political situation, as well as forecasts in this regard, for future articles. Here, we will simply note what immediately catches the eye: a very large number of people with prosthetic limbs on Kyiv’s streets—some still wearing military uniforms, others already dressed in civilian clothes. Looking at this scene, one begins to clearly realise what awaits the country once the war is over. Alongside the “Vietnam” and “Afghan” syndromes known worldwide, a “Ukrainian” syndrome will almost certainly be added, as it is not difficult to imagine the psychological state of those who have stared death in the face for nearly four years, who have lost their comrades-in-arms on the battlefield. All this comes against the backdrop of an enormous quantity of unregistered weapons that will remain in circulation. In other words, there is a real risk of a sharp deterioration in the criminal situation, as former servicemen may begin to “restore justice” in the way they became accustomed to doing at the front.

For now, however, the crime situation in Kyiv remains under control; there is nothing even remotely resembling chaos. This is despite the fact that due to frequent power outages in the evenings, it is impossible to descend into underpasses without a torch, and courtyards are equally impassable without one. This, undoubtedly, is a major credit to the work of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Overall, all Ukrainians deserve admiration for their resilience. Just consider this: the war with a major nuclear power has been going on for nearly four years, a power that attacks Ukrainian cities daily with missiles and drones—yet Kyiv’s main New Year tree was ceremoniously unveiled on December 5, 2025, in Sofiiska Square. It was installed with funds provided by patrons, and stands 16 metres tall. Kyiv’s cafés and restaurants, especially in the city centre, are packed—partly because cooking at home is often more difficult than simply going out to eat. As a result, profits have also risen sharply for supermarkets selling ready-made food. But the most important thing is the determination of Kyiv’s residents to create an atmosphere as close to peacetime as possible. This naturally commands respect.

A brief word about supermarkets. The range of products on offer—even in an average Velmart, not to mention Silpo or Novus—is more diverse than in some Baku grocery stores, which can reasonably be explained by the abundance of local produce and Ukraine’s geographical proximity to EU member states. As for prices, chicken thighs here cost around $4.7, chicken fillet about $5.6, pork belly from $5.3, beef goulash roughly $7.65, beef entrecôte around $10, and turkey fillet between $8.82 and $10 per kilogramme. Readers can compare these prices with those in their countries. At the same time, it should not be forgotten that the operating costs of all Ukrainian retail outlets include spending on diesel and petrol for generators, without which they would simply be unable to function.

In Kyiv and its suburbs, housing construction is proceeding at a very active pace, including premium-class developments. There have been no halts due to the war—only adjustments to completion deadlines, with timelines revised on a case-by-case basis depending on the developer. Moreover, metro construction in the capital is continuing towards the Vynohradar residential district, and in 2026, according to Mayor Vitalii Klychko, the opening of one station on this line—Mostytska—is planned.

All this serves as proof that the Ukrainian state has demonstrated its resilience despite years of false claims by Russian propagandists that “there is no such state as Ukraine”. Yes, Ukraine receives massive financial and military assistance from its allies, but one should not forget that it is confronting a nuclear power whose army was long considered the second most capable in the world—and which is not fighting alone either, being supported with technology, weapons, and personnel. Taking all this into account, the resilience shown by Ukraine can truly be called a miracle. And on New Year’s Eve, Ukrainians will raise their glasses in a toast—the most important one of all: “To peace!”