Israel–US–Europe: split or strengthening of ties? Analysis by Shereshevskiy

Israel’s leadership is facing growing criticism from American and European societies, however it continues to maintain the support of influential groups.

In several countries, discussions have been initiated, or even court decisions have been made that restrict criticism of the Israeli state. In the United States, a legal precedent has been established equating criticism of Israel with antisemitism. 

In France, a recent attempt was made to pass a bill on “modern forms” of antisemitism, initiated by MP Caroline Yadan. Opponents argued that it was effectively designed to prohibit any criticism of Israeli policy — a state that is mentioned fifteen times in the text of the bill. These measures are viewed as a response by pro-Israel circles to ongoing global changes.

Opposition to Israel’s policies is growing in American society — not only within liberal and left-leaning circles associated with the Democratic Party, but also among some right-wing conservative Republicans.

Many accuse Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of violence in the Gaza Strip, as well as of drawing the United States into a war with Iran that most Americans consider unnecessary. The vast majority oppose it.

According to a new survey conducted by researchers from the Pew Research Centre, public opinion about Israel has significantly hardened over the past three years. Today, 60 per cent of American adults hold a negative view of the country (up from 53 per cent in 2025 and around 40 per cent in 2022). At the same time, 59 per cent of respondents say they do not trust Netanyahu in matters of international decision-making, compared to 52 per cent a year earlier. In both major political parties, a majority of citizens under the age of 50 now view Israel and its leadership negatively.

The survey was conducted on March 23-29, 2026, among 3,507 adult residents of the United States—approximately one month after the start of the war with Iran. Overall, six in ten Americans now express a negative attitude toward Israel, which is 7 percentage points higher than in 2025 and nearly 20 points higher than in 2022.

Political differences remain, but they also show a clear shift. Eight in ten Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents currently hold a negative view of Israel, compared to 69 per cent a year earlier. Among them, strongly negative assessments are more common among people under 50 (47 per cent vs. 39 per cent among older respondents). Republicans overall still tend to view Israel more positively (58 per cent vs. 41 per cent), but criticism is also increasing within this group. Among Republicans aged 18–49, 57 per cent now hold an unfavourable view (up from 50 per cent a year earlier), while older Republicans (50+) remain predominantly positive toward Israel.

According to Gallup, the percentage of Americans who condemn Israel's operation in Gaza has reached 60%, while only 32% approve. The age gap is most noticeable: among Americans aged 18–34, only 9% support Israel's actions, 29% of those under 54 support Israel's actions, and 49% of those aged 55 and older.

According to Gallup, the share of Americans who disapprove of Israel’s military operation in Gaza has reached 60 per cent, while only 32 per cent approve of it. The generational divide is particularly striking: among Americans aged 18–34, only 9 per cent support Israel’s actions; support rises to 29 per cent among those under 54; and reaches 49 per cent among those aged 55 and older. 

In Europe, the situation is also shifting, as reflected in pro-Palestinian and anti-Israel protests across countries such as Spain, the United Kingdom, France, and several others.

Split within the Jewish community in the US

Interestingly, Jewish communities themselves are now experiencing internal divisions, particularly in the United States, where an estimated 6 to 8 million Jews reside.

This large community has entered a period of intense debate over the issue. According to 2024 public opinion surveys, around half of young Jews under the age of 34 hold critical or negative views of Israeli policy. This represents a significant challenge for Israel.

The influential pro-Israel lobby affects U.S. decision-making through financial contributions to political campaigns, while the sizable Jewish community also plays an important role in elections. Most American Jews still remain supportive of Israel; however, this position is gradually shifting as generational change takes place.

American publicist Shaul Magid recently wrote: “This may be a comparable moment. In that sense, this is a radical time, radical according to its etymology of going back to roots [...] By Zionist consensus we refer to a tacit, yet palpable, understanding among most American Jews that Zionism was a central tenet of their Jewish identity. It was coined in the early 1970s by Norman Podhoretz in Commentary Magazine when he wrote ‘we are all Zionists Now.’ He was largely correct. After the Six Day War there emerged a kind of consensus in American Jewry, any remaining ambivalence about Zionism was swept away with the triumphant victory, and collective relief, of June 1967. Yet there was a dark side to that victory we call the ‘occupation’ which they called back then ‘liberation’ that has come back to haunt us, in a monstrous way, on October 7.

In any case, Israel chose to respond to October 7 with the obliteration of an entire society [referring to the Gaza Strip], call it what you will (let not the nomenclature prevent a realistic assessment of we all see). It broke American Jewry, world Jewry, into various pieces, in large part, but not exclusively, generationally. The previous consensus forged in the early 1970s, has now collapsed.”

First of all, liberal and left-leaning ideas have traditionally been strong among Jews in the United States and Europe. Many point out that there has never been a global Jewish congress at which Israel was formally chosen as their representative. However, the growing strain in relations between Israel and the Jewish diaspora is not solely related to this issue, nor exclusively to Gaza.

One reason is that many Jews are wary of conservative right-wing movements, viewing them as sources of xenophobia. The overwhelming majority of Jews in the United States vote for the Democratic Party and against the Republicans. Meanwhile, Israel is currently governed by a coalition of right-wing conservative parties led by Benjamin Netanyahu, which are often seen as aligned with Donald Trump and his political circle.

This raises a question: if Donald Trump and many Republicans are relatively close to Israel, why do most American Jews remain distrustful of them? The answer lies in the fact that the Republican base is largely composed of conservative white Protestant communities—tens of millions of people, some of whom believe that the faster Jews leave America and gather in Israel, the sooner the Second Coming of Christ will occur.

Such groups may support Israel based on their own religious beliefs; however, these views do not necessarily align with the interests of American Jews. The vast majority of American Jews do not wish to leave the United States and regard such ideas as antisemitic. This contradiction is arguably one of the strongest long-term factors driving the growing divide between the American Jewish community and the State of Israel, despite the close interconnection of financial interests between American Jewish business figures and the Israeli government.

Secondly, within the Jewish community, there are conservative Orthodox religious groups numbering in the hundreds of thousands. This includes, above all, the Satmar Hasidic movement, whose members not only reject Zionism but also regard it as a manifestation of demonic forces.

Zionism is a secular nationalist ideology that emerged in 19th-century Europe (although there are also religious Zionists), based on the project of establishing a Jewish nation-state. For many religious Jews, it is unacceptable. They believe that the creation of a Jewish state before the coming of the Messiah (Moshiach) constitutes a sin.

At the same time, behind the religious arguments, there are also practical considerations: for Hasidic Jews, as for many other Jews, life in the United States is more comfortable than relocating to the persistently conflict-prone Middle East.

The influence of such communities is also increasing for demographic reasons: their families often have ten or more children, leading to rapid population growth. The Satmar and other Orthodox groups with similar views sometimes cooperate with left-wing and pro-Palestinian movements and support Democratic candidates who are critical of Israel.

These trends are affecting Jewish communities in the United States, Western Europe (around one million people), and Latin America (around half a million). They have had a more limited impact on Jewish communities in the countries of the former Soviet Union, which follow a distinct historical trajectory.

Prospects for Israeli cooperation with the US and Europe

Despite growing criticism, in the foreseeable future, Israel is unlikely to face a freeze in relations with its main ally — the United States — or with European countries. In the United States, key decisions are made by political and economic elites, including major corporations that legally finance electoral campaigns in expectation of subsequent political and economic advantages. Under these conditions, maintaining Israel as a strategic ally in the Middle East remains a priority for both Democrats (as demonstrated during the presidency of Joe Biden) and Republicans.

A similar situation is observed in Europe. Israel is regarded as one of the key hubs for the development of modern defence technologies, including air defence and missile defence systems, precision-guided missile platforms, and unmanned aerial vehicles. In the context of accelerated rearmament, European states remain major purchasers of Israeli military equipment. It is therefore unlikely that they will abandon cooperation in this field in the coming years.

In addition, Israel has opportunities to strengthen ties with right-wing political forces in both Europe and the United States, particularly those that take a strict stance on migration. These groups often express sympathy toward Israel, creating additional channels of influence within European politics. However, policymakers cannot entirely ignore voter sentiment. As public opinion continues to evolve, this factor is likely to play an increasingly important role in shaping relations between the United States, Europe, and Israel.