Swiss lawmakers caught in Armenian lobby’s trap Cantons vs. sovereignty

The upper chamber of the Swiss Federal Assembly, the Council of States, has approved Proposal No. 24.4259, titled "Peace Forum for Nagorno Karabakh: Ensuring the Opportunity for Return of Armenians ." Armenian media outlets are enthusiastically spreading the news. The initiative, which calls for the creation of a separate platform for dialogue between "representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh" and Azerbaijan, received the support of 29 out of 46 Council members.

Armenian media emphasize that the initiative aims to ensure security and the collective, dignified return of the "forcibly displaced Armenian population to their historical homeland." The Council of States' decision follows the lower chamber’s— the National Council—approval of a similar proposal on December 17, 2024. According to the same sources, after receiving approval from both chambers, Proposal No. 24.4259 supposedly attains the force of law, obligating the Federal Council to implement it.

At the same time, Armenian media outlets do not mention the position of the Swiss Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, as reported by the APA news agency, the Swiss government has opposed this paid project pushed by the Armenian lobby. Ignazio Cassis, a member of the Swiss Federal Council and head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, emphasized during parliamentary hearings that any provocative actions are unacceptable. He stated that an initiative for peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia can only be implemented with the agreement of both countries.

Cassis reaffirmed Switzerland's commitment to international law and fair peace processes, particularly noting that Azerbaijan and Armenia do not support the initiative put forward in the Swiss parliament and do not require unnecessary external interference while discussing a peace agreement. The minister underscored that Karabakh is Azerbaijani territory and that a country like Switzerland cannot violate international law. Cassis further pointed out that this parliamentary initiative could harm Switzerland's image, and that consideration of this initiative by the federal government is only possible while taking into account the stance of both countries on the matter.

This situation brings to mind a similar practice that occurred after the 44-day war, when the French Senate adopted a resolution recognizing the "independence of Nagorno-Karabakh." Later, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued an official statement reaffirming Paris’s commitment to the principle of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. Subsequently, following a one-day anti-terrorist operation in the Karabakh region, Azerbaijan fully restored its sovereignty over the area. In this context, the resolution passed by the French Senate effectively lost its relevance. A similar fate is likely awaiting the resolutions of both chambers of the Swiss Federal Assembly.

Official Baku has repeatedly stated that the return of ethnic Armenians to the Karabakh region is possible only on the condition of reciprocity—after Armenia agrees to allow Azerbaijanis to return to their homes. Since the Armenian side has not yet given such consent, the process remains blocked. Consequently, no external resolutions can alter the current situation.

Meanwhile, in Baku, the trial continues for Armenian citizens accused of war crimes. One of the accused, Levon Mnatsakanyan, stated that in June 2015, he was appointed as the "minister of defence" of the unrecognized entity by then-President of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan. His candidacy was presented by Armenia's Minister of Defence, Seyran Ohanyan, after which Sargsyan approved the appointment.

One of the former leaders of the Karabakh junta, Bako Sahakyan, previously stated that the armed forces of the so-called "Karabakh regime" were, in fact, the largest unit of the Armenian Armed Forces. According to him, appointments to key positions such as "minister of defence," "chief of the general staff," and other crucial posts were made upon the recommendation of Armenia's Ministry of Defence and were approved by the president of the country.

Sahakyan also stated that no Iskander-M or Tochka-U missile systems were deployed in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan. He clarified that these types of weapons were not introduced into the region during his tenure as "president" (2007–2020). In response to a question about the shelling of civilian infrastructure in Azerbaijan using these missiles, Sahakyan noted that such strikes were not launched from Karabakh. He emphasized that the attacks on peaceful Azerbaijani cities were carried out from the territory of Armenia, and, therefore, responsibility for them lies with the current political and military leadership of Armenia.

In this context, rather than passing politically motivated resolutions, Swiss parliamentarians should have condemned Armenia’s actions, including the decades-long occupation of 20% of Azerbaijan’s territory, ethnic cleansing in both Karabakh and Armenia, the failure to implement four United Nations General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, and missile strikes on Azerbaijan's civilian infrastructure during the 44-day war. Given the absence of such a response, the position of Swiss parliamentarians is viewed in Azerbaijan as biased and not worthy of serious attention.