The secrets of the "Russian House" in Baku “Rossotrudnichestvo” threatens Azerbaijani journalists

Yevgeny Primakov, the head of the Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States Affairs, Compatriots Living Abroad, and International Humanitarian Cooperation, more commonly known as "Rossotrudnichestvo," announced on his Telegram channel that he is preparing a lawsuit to protect his business reputation. "I want to hear irrefutable evidence of this slander and lies from the government-funded media of Azerbaijan. Or retractions and apologies," wrote Evgeny Alexandrovich Primakov. So, what has the "government-funded media of Azerbaijan" done that led the head of "Rossotrudnichestvo" to expect irrefutable evidence, and in its absence, retractions and apologies?

Recently, the BakuTV channel aired a report claiming that under the auspices of the "Rossotrudnichestvo" representation in Azerbaijan – the "Russian House in Baku" (RICC) – Russian intelligence services are operating. The data gathered during the journalistic investigation likely provided the basis for BakuTV reporters to reach this conclusion. However, let us clarify right away that we do not intend to interfere with BakuTV's internal affairs and do not know all the details of the journalistic investigation carried out by our colleagues. Nevertheless, certain facts and events related to "Rossotrudnichestvo," including the espionage scandals mentioned in the media, create grounds for understanding the desire of some countries to limit the activities of this organization on their territory.

And here we are not so much asking a question as expressing surprise. Firstly, nowhere and at no time has it ever been suggested that BakuTV is funded in any way by the Azerbaijani government. But let's imagine for a moment that this is indeed the case. Isn't it strange that we, Azerbaijani journalists, are unaware of this, yet the head of the Russian humanitarian organization is well-informed? Perhaps it would make sense for the management of BakuTV to file a counterclaim in court for defamation and protection of their honor, dignity, and business reputation?

Let’s take a closer look at what this agency and the "Russian Houses" – the informal name for "Rossotrudnichestvo" foreign representations – actually represent. According to the description on the official "Rossotrudnichestvo" website, its main mission is to strengthen Russia's humanitarian influence in the world, which can be interpreted as pro-Russian influence. The organization operates in 71 countries with 87 foreign offices. The predecessor of "Rossotrudnichestvo" was the "All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries" (VOKS), founded in 1925. The primary task of VOKS, and later its successors, was to promote Soviet interests abroad. The first leader was the prominent proletarian writer Maxim Gorky. In 1958, VOKS was restructured into the "Union of Soviet Societies for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries" (SSOD), which was last led by cosmonaut Valentina Tereshkova until 1992.

In the post-Soviet period, "Rossotrudnichestvo" has been engaged in implementing Russia’s state policy in the field of international humanitarian cooperation, as well as helping to shape "an objective image of modern Russia abroad." However, the organization’s actual activities sometimes significantly diverge from its stated objectives, and, according to some experts, it might be aimed at creating a pro-Russian network. In other words, under the guise of a humanitarian organization, activities related to Russia's intelligence services might be taking place. This was also the case during the Soviet era, when foreign Soviet correspondents and humanitarian organizations often operated as cover for the First Chief Directorate of the KGB (foreign intelligence).

By the way, it is not by chance that we mentioned "Rossotrudnichestvo" being involved in espionage scandals. As Yevgeny Primakov himself admitted back in 2023, the operation of the "Russian Houses" was halted in six countries: Slovenia, Slovakia, Croatia, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Romania. He innocently emphasized that "the reason for suspending the work of the 'Russian Houses' is either the cessation of intergovernmental agreements on the activities of cultural centers or the expulsion of diplomats, as the center's staff are usually accredited at the embassy." But could it be the expulsion of spies operating under diplomatic cover in the "Russian House"? Notably, Primakov admitted that "Rossotrudnichestvo" is reallocating its resources to regions that are currently priorities—countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. A telling example is the case of Dmitry Sytyi, the head of the Russian cultural center in the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, who is associated with the Wagner Group. According to former member of the Central African Republic Parliament Jean-Pierre Mara, whose opinion was published in a DW podcast for French-speaking African programs QuiQuoiComment, although Sytyi heads the cultural center he "is active in the security apparatus, he is the head of Russian military intelligence."

Here is what the local media in Cyprus wrote about the activities of "Rossotrudnichestvo": "In Cyprus, as in other countries, the key structure implementing the program of attraction, selection and training of foreign citizens to study in Russia is the Russian Center for Science and Culture (RCSC) in Nicosia…the center actively promotes educational programs, which at first glance look quite innocent. On closer examination, it becomes clear that they are part of the strategic plan of the Russian security services to form a new generation of agents of influence…Such agent centers of Russia’s intelligence services, operating under the guise of scientific and cultural-educational institutions, play a crucial role in the global system of influence built by the Kremlin outside Russia."

We can also refer to a publication in the Danish newspaper Information, which named officers of the SVR (Foreign Intelligence Service) and GRU (Main Intelligence Directorate) who operated in Denmark under the cover of the Russian Embassy and "Rossotrudnichestvo": "The Russian House in Denmark, which is positioned as a center for science and culture, has for many years served as a cover for Russian intelligence. After studying photo and video materials from events held there, journalists identified some of the expelled spies."

As we can see, there are ample reasons to suspect that "Rossotrudnichestvo" and its foreign representations serve as a "cover" for Russian intelligence services, along with numerous blunders. Primakov's structure is not averse to engaging in blatantly anti-Azerbaijani activities. Here are just a couple of examples.

On November 11, 2021, a "Rossotrudnichestvo" office in Moscow hosted an exhibition titled "Children of Donbas – Children of Karabakh." Here is an excerpt from the event's press release: "The exhibition remembered the children who died during the hostilities and discussed how to assist the surviving victims of wars. The exhibition aims to support the children of Donbas and Nagorno-Karabakh. Its goal is to draw global attention to the problem of ensuring children's safety in conflict zones. The exhibition is not about children but about the responsibility of adults."

The guests of the exhibition included the head of "Rossotrudnichestvo," Yevgeny Primakov, and the deputy chair of the State Duma, Anna Kuznetsova. In other words, the event was organized at the state level and aimed to connect two geographically and ethnically distant conflict regions. It also sought to highlight the "concern" of certain political forces in Russia for the Armenian children in Karabakh. The message seemed to be that these children are alive only thanks to Russia's intervention and military presence. Furthermore, it was a blatant attempt to impose the Donbas policy on Azerbaijan, which, as is well known, Azerbaijan skillfully countered.

On March 1, 2022, at the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia, a presentation was held for an interactive multimedia map prepared by the "Russian House" in Yerevan. The map highlighted monuments of historical heritage from the Russo-Persian and Russo-Turkish wars. In the section about the Erivan Fortress, it was noted that it had been "liberated from Persian troops," and the fabricated term "Eastern Armenia" was frequently mentioned.

It is unlikely that we would be mistaken in stating that the anti-Azerbaijani activities of "Rossotrudnichestvo," a structural unit of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, are not only based on Moscow's political agenda but also on Yevgeny Primakov's personal stance towards Azerbaijan. The people of Azerbaijan have not forgotten that his grandfather bears as much responsibility for the tragedy of Black January 1990 as Gorbachev and Yazov. By the way, Primakov Sr. was suspected in Soviet times of having close ties with the intelligence services. Towards the end of the Soviet Union's collapse, he was appointed first as the head of the First Chief Directorate of the KGB, and later as the director of Russia's Foreign Intelligence Service. It’s safe to say that such a position was unlikely to be given to someone with no connections to the intelligence services.

Now, let's turn to the broader issue of relations with Russia. Here, we encounter a glaring imbalance. For many years, the propagandistic "Sputnik" has been operating in Azerbaijan. Meanwhile, the Armenian service of "Sputnik" openly opposes Azerbaijan and its territorial integrity. Considering that the Simonyan project is fully financed by Russia's state budget, it can be said that Moscow either encourages or turns a blind eye to such activities by "Sputnik."

Moreover, the "Rossotrudnichestvo" division feels at ease in Azerbaijan. The country has over three hundred schools with Russian language programs. Azerbaijan does not object to this; on the contrary, it has always emphasized that this is an advantage and a manifestation of multiculturalism. However, a question arises: what is Russia’s response?

In 2001, with the support of the national leader Heydar Aliyev, the All-Russian Azerbaijani Congress (VAK) was established. However, in 2017, its activities were halted by a decision of the Supreme Court of Russia following a lawsuit filed by the Russian Ministry of Justice. The formal reason given was the non-compliance of the organization's charter with Russian legislation, and despite numerous attempts to re-register, the activities of the All-Russian Azerbaijani Diaspora Organization were not resumed. As a result, the only major organization uniting Azerbaijanis in Russia ceased to exist. With this, the issue of opening an Azerbaijani school under the VAK was also closed.

In Azerbaijan, the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church have always been supported and continue to be supported. This once again demonstrates the nation’s care for various groups of the population, regardless of their religious affiliation. For example, on January 15, 2025, President Ilham Aliyev signed a decree providing financial assistance to religious institutions in Azerbaijan, under which the Baku and Azerbaijan Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church received 350,000 manats ($205,000).

And what is happening in Russia at the same time? In some mosques, favorable conditions have been created for clerics recruited by Iranian intelligence services to brainwash and recruit Azerbaijani believers, involving them in activities against the interests of their homeland.

Let us also recall how, in November 2024, Azerbaijani students at the Moscow University of Finance and Law under the Government of the Russian Federation were practically being framed for interethnic discord over the slogan "Long Live Azerbaijan." They were threatened with criminal charges. What was the goal? To intimidate people? To make them forget their historical homeland?

We have already pointed this out recently, but we feel it is necessary to repeat. We remember the Pskov paratroopers who fought on the side of Armenia in Karabakh, the billion-dollar worth of weapons gifted to Armenia, the support provided by Russian peacekeepers to Armenian armed formations in the "grey zone" of Karabakh, the scandal over the airborne weapons shipments to Armenia — the very same weapons that Sergei Shoigu, the then Minister of Defense of Russia, tried to pass off as "construction materials," and the anti-Azerbaijani campaign that unfolded in the Russian media space during the Second Karabakh War.

In other words, we have plenty to say and respond with. And we are saying it.

Finally, Yevgeny Alexandrovich, threatening Azerbaijani media with lawsuits is pointless. Instead of directing threats at our media, such as BakuTV, you should look into why no one has been held accountable for the materials that insult our country and its leadership, which have been multiplying in Russian media like mushrooms after the rain in connection with the Azerbaijan Airlines (AZAL) plane crash over the past few weeks. Could it be because such a directive was issued from above? We understand why all this is happening. And so we want to say: don’t try to hide the causes of the tragedy. We are waiting. The conditions are clear. The truth cannot be concealed.